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<head>1820 <sic>Apr.</sic> 16<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous.</head> <!-- in pencil --> <p><note><sic>ult<hi rend="superscript">o</hi></sic><lb/>III. Experience II Ireland</note><lb/>3 <note>§.3. Fruit, Golden Age</note></p> <p>The <del><gap/></del> terms on which the abovementioned certificates of<lb/>good behaviour were conceived, are, <add>were</add> as the occasion required<lb/>general, and unclogged by any particular exceptions and<lb/>limitations or exceptions. <del>Answer</del> Desirous of discovering<lb/>whether to this generality the history of the time afforded <add> in the course of so many years, <del><gap/></del> scarcely less<lb/>than six, of ascendency,</add><lb/>any <del>considerable</del> exception worth regarding, I went on <lb/>pursued it in that same work, and in the next page but<lb/>one (pp. 180, 181) I found this passage</p> <p><!-- note in pencil --> + <note>+ Copy down to the<lb/>end of p.181.</note></p> <p>Apprehension of some impediment either from the supporters<lb/>of government in Ireland, or from the privy council of Great Britain,<lb/>in the principal object of obtaining a free trade, the popular party<lb/>proposed to keep government in dependence and subjection, by<lb/>passing a money bill to supply the exchequer for six months only.<lb/>As this measure met with violent opposition, the populace of Dublin,<lb/>instigated perhaps by their superiors, assumed the privilege of directing<lb/>the proceedings of the legislature. A mob of five or six thousand<lb/>assembled before the house of parliament, clamouring for a<lb/>free trade, and a short money bill: they stopped the speaker in his<lb/>coach, and tendering an oath to several of the members, compelled<lb/>those who had not sufficient firmness for resistance, to bind<lb/>themselves by that solemn obligation to support the favoured<lb/>measure. Several were insulted and maltreated; but the great<lb/>storm of popular fury fell upon M<hi rend="superscript">r</hi>. Scott, the Attorney-General:<lb/>he was called by name in each of the courts of law and equity, for<lb/> the avowed purpose of being put to death; his house was broke open,<lb/>and <!-- underlinings in pencil --><hi rend="underline">reduced to a ruin</hi>; and while his dwelling was filled with the<lb/><hi rend="underline">Yells and execrations of the furious rabble,</hi> anonymous letters assured<lb/>him that he should not survive the hour of his vote against<lb/>the short money bill. The civil arm was insufficient<lb/>to restrain the tumult; <hi rend="underline">the blameable inefficiency of the government<lb/>suffered the military to be superseded by the volunteers</hi>,<lb/>and these hid not interfere further than by a deputation from<lb/>the lawyers corps unarmed, <hi rend="underline">persuading the mob, when satiated by<lb/>their own excesses, to <sic>dispurse.</sic></hi> The attorney-general complained<lb/>to the house of commons, but had the mortification to hear the<lb/>sentiments of the populace espoused, and their conduct partially<lb/>defended; the debate was hardly less tumultuous than the occasion<lb/>of it; the house at length agreed to address the lord-lieutenant<lb/>to issue a proclamation for apprehending the rioters. The short<lb/>money bill, however, passed, and, mortifying as such a proceeding<lb/>must have been, received the sanction of the privy-council.</p> | |||
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1820 Apr. 16
Radicalism not dangerous.
ulto
III. Experience II Ireland
3 §.3. Fruit, Golden Age
The terms on which the abovementioned certificates of
good behaviour were conceived, are, were as the occasion required
general, and unclogged by any particular exceptions and
limitations or exceptions. Answer Desirous of discovering
whether to this generality the history of the time afforded in the course of so many years, scarcely less
than six, of ascendency,
any considerable exception worth regarding, I went on
pursued it in that same work, and in the next page but
one (pp. 180, 181) I found this passage
+ + Copy down to the
end of p.181.
Apprehension of some impediment either from the supporters
of government in Ireland, or from the privy council of Great Britain,
in the principal object of obtaining a free trade, the popular party
proposed to keep government in dependence and subjection, by
passing a money bill to supply the exchequer for six months only.
As this measure met with violent opposition, the populace of Dublin,
instigated perhaps by their superiors, assumed the privilege of directing
the proceedings of the legislature. A mob of five or six thousand
assembled before the house of parliament, clamouring for a
free trade, and a short money bill: they stopped the speaker in his
coach, and tendering an oath to several of the members, compelled
those who had not sufficient firmness for resistance, to bind
themselves by that solemn obligation to support the favoured
measure. Several were insulted and maltreated; but the great
storm of popular fury fell upon Mr. Scott, the Attorney-General:
he was called by name in each of the courts of law and equity, for
the avowed purpose of being put to death; his house was broke open,
and reduced to a ruin; and while his dwelling was filled with the
Yells and execrations of the furious rabble, anonymous letters assured
him that he should not survive the hour of his vote against
the short money bill. The civil arm was insufficient
to restrain the tumult; the blameable inefficiency of the government
suffered the military to be superseded by the volunteers,
and these hid not interfere further than by a deputation from
the lawyers corps unarmed, persuading the mob, when satiated by
their own excesses, to dispurse. The attorney-general complained
to the house of commons, but had the mortification to hear the
sentiments of the populace espoused, and their conduct partially
defended; the debate was hardly less tumultuous than the occasion
of it; the house at length agreed to address the lord-lieutenant
to issue a proclamation for apprehending the rioters. The short
money bill, however, passed, and, mortifying as such a proceeding
must have been, received the sanction of the privy-council.
Identifier: | JB/137/276/001"JB/" can not be assigned to a declared number type with value 137. |
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radicalism not dangerous |
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radicalism not dangerous |
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collectanea |
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recto |
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jeremy bentham; john flowerdew colls |
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