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<head>1820 <sic>Jan<hi rend="superscript">y</hi></sic> 13<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous.</head> <!-- marginal notes and paragraph numbering in pencil --> <p | <head>1820 <sic>Jan<hi rend="superscript">y</hi></sic> 13<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous.</head> <!-- marginal notes and paragraph numbering in pencil --> <p>++ 5 <note>3<hi rend="superscript">o</hi><lb/>III. Experience<lb/>II. Ireland</note><lb/>3 <note>§.1. Historical sketch</note></p> <p><note>7<lb/>19. Purpose <del>f</del> to which<lb/>the <add>popular</add> influence <del>thus</del> was<lb/>employed. retrospect.<lb/>1 Government, a foreign<lb/>conquerors. Conquest<lb/>being incomplete, oppression<lb/>the ruling principle.</note></p> <p>6. Mean time the popular influence thus created was<lb/>employed for great national purposes. <del>The government</del> <add> A few words of retrospect</add><lb/><add>are here necessary. The government</add> being <del>from the first</del> that of a foreign conqueror, <del>had had</del><lb/><del>universal oppression for its</del> <add>and for several centuries the conquest not completed, oppression had of course been the ruling</add> principle. In imitation of<lb/>the conquering <add><del>the</del> </add> country, <add>and for the benefit of the conquerors, the conquered had indeed been<lb/> indulged with</add> <del><gap/></del> an assembly called <hi rend="underline">the</hi> <lb/><hi rend="underline">Parliament</hi>. But the right of passing laws had <add>long</add> been<lb/>confined to the Monarch, whose constant residence was<lb/>in England and <del>to whose Island and its interests were</del> <add>in whose eyes, the ever troublesome <del>possession</del> dependency was</add><lb/><del>neither subjects of knowledge nor objects of regard</del> <add>rather a source of disquietude than an object of sympathy.</add> But<lb/>as it <add>always</add> was, the condition of the conquered would <del>have</del> <add> have</add> been<lb/>still worse, <del>had it not been</del> <add> were it not</add> that <gap/>, more or less<lb/> considerable, of the land, had always had for their prosperity<lb/><del>relative <gap/></del> men of opulence and power<lb/>among the conquerors. <del>It had all along been</del> <add> These however were never so numerous, but that</add> a maxim<lb/><del>and that</del> uniformly acted upon <add>had been —</add> that <del>whenever</del> <add> in so far as</add> any case<lb/>public of interest <del><gap/></del> <add> was regarded as having</add><del>supposed to have</del> place, concession<lb/>was to be only on one side, and the interest of the minor <!-- continues into margin --> country was to be made<lb/><del>a <sic>compleat</sic> sacrifice not</del><lb/>an unrestricted sacrifice,<lb/>not only to <del>the</del><lb/>what was regarded as the<lb/>aggregate interest of the<lb/>greater, but to that of<lb/>any the smallest part<lb/>of it. Accordingly,<lb/>whether by laws made<lb/>either in the <del>English</del><lb/>Parliament <add>of England</add> or, under <lb/>the influence of the <lb/>English Monarch, in that<lb/><del>Irish Parliament</del><lb/>of Ireland<lb/><del><add><gap/></add> sacrificed country <add>country</add> <sic>completely</sic> sacrificed to that of the greater</del><lb/>and <del>the bodies of the Island were <gap/> <gap/> laws made<lb/>under the insistence of England <gap/> <gap/> made by the<lb/>Irish Parliament <gap/> <gap/> <gap/> Island the trade of<lb/>Ireland</del> <add>the trade, and with it the prosperity, of the subject country,</add> was kept in a state of <del>perpetual depression</del><lb/><add>continual depression,</add> by <del><gap/></del> a system of regulations <del> having this for their <gap/></del><lb/><del>object</del> purposely and avowedly directed to that <add>end</add> <del> purpose</del></p> <p><note>8<lb/> 20.2. The conquerors<lb/>benefit, in imitation <lb/>of England, a Parliament.</note></p> <p><note>21.3. But this initiative<lb/>confined to the<lb/>Monarch.</note></p> <p><note>22.4. Possession little<lb/>profitable: more disquietude<lb/> than sympathy</note></p> <p><note>23.5 Condition still<lb/>worse but that among<lb/>the conquered were some<lb/>conquerors.</note></p> <p><note>9<lb/>24.6. Yet not so many<lb/>but that Irish interest<lb/>was constantly and avowedly<lb/>sacrificed to the smallest English</note></p> <!-- in pencil across the bottom of the page --> <p><note>10<lb/>25.7. Regulation accordant; by one<lb/>or other Parliament.</note></p> <p><note>11<lb/>26.8. Thus subsistence of many<lb/>and pains of few both depressed, interests here and now<lb/>so opposite were there sufficiently united for effective<lb/>co-operation.</note></p> | ||
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{{Metadata:{{PAGENAME}}}}{{ | {{Metadata:{{PAGENAME}}}}{{Completed}} |
1820 Jany 13
Radicalism not dangerous.
++ 5 3o
III. Experience
II. Ireland
3 §.1. Historical sketch
7
19. Purpose f to which
the popular influence thus was
employed. retrospect.
1 Government, a foreign
conquerors. Conquest
being incomplete, oppression
the ruling principle.
6. Mean time the popular influence thus created was
employed for great national purposes. The government A few words of retrospect
are here necessary. The government being from the first that of a foreign conqueror, had had
universal oppression for its and for several centuries the conquest not completed, oppression had of course been the ruling principle. In imitation of
the conquering the country, and for the benefit of the conquerors, the conquered had indeed been
indulged with an assembly called the
Parliament. But the right of passing laws had long been
confined to the Monarch, whose constant residence was
in England and to whose Island and its interests were in whose eyes, the ever troublesome possession dependency was
neither subjects of knowledge nor objects of regard rather a source of disquietude than an object of sympathy. But
as it always was, the condition of the conquered would have have been
still worse, had it not been were it not that , more or less
considerable, of the land, had always had for their prosperity
relative men of opulence and power
among the conquerors. It had all along been These however were never so numerous, but that a maxim
and that uniformly acted upon had been — that whenever in so far as any case
public of interest was regarded as havingsupposed to have place, concession
was to be only on one side, and the interest of the minor country was to be made
a compleat sacrifice not
an unrestricted sacrifice,
not only to the
what was regarded as the
aggregate interest of the
greater, but to that of
any the smallest part
of it. Accordingly,
whether by laws made
either in the English
Parliament of England or, under
the influence of the
English Monarch, in that
Irish Parliament
of Ireland
sacrificed country country completely sacrificed to that of the greater
and the bodies of the Island were laws made
under the insistence of England made by the
Irish Parliament Island the trade of
Ireland the trade, and with it the prosperity, of the subject country, was kept in a state of perpetual depression
continual depression, by a system of regulations having this for their
object purposely and avowedly directed to that end purpose
8
20.2. The conquerors
benefit, in imitation
of England, a Parliament.
21.3. But this initiative
confined to the
Monarch.
22.4. Possession little
profitable: more disquietude
than sympathy
23.5 Condition still
worse but that among
the conquered were some
conquerors.
9
24.6. Yet not so many
but that Irish interest
was constantly and avowedly
sacrificed to the smallest English
10
25.7. Regulation accordant; by one
or other Parliament.
11
26.8. Thus subsistence of many
and pains of few both depressed, interests here and now
so opposite were there sufficiently united for effective
co-operation.
Identifier: | JB/137/428/001"JB/" can not be assigned to a declared number type with value 137. |
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1820-01-13 |
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radicalism not dangerous |
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428 |
radicalism not dangerous |
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jeremy bentham |
[[watermarks::[prince of wales feathers] i&m 1818]] |
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arthur wellesley, duke of wellington |
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1818 |
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47145 |
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