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<head>1820 <sic>Jan<hi rend="superscript">y</hi></sic> 26<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous</head> <p>§ 10<lb/><note>III Experience<lb/>II Ireland<lb/>Sheffield against Reform</note></p> <p>"It seems reasonable to suppose" (continues the Noble Lord p 355)<lb/>"that | <head>1820 <sic>Jan<hi rend="superscript">y</hi></sic> 26<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous</head> <p>§ 10<lb/><note>III Experience<lb/>II Ireland<lb/>Sheffield against Reform</note></p> <p>"It seems reasonable to suppose" (continues the Noble Lord p 355)<lb/>"that while the election is in the hands of men of property and<lb/>"consideration, the elected will fulfil the purpose of legislation<lb/>"better than those sent by the multitude, which has neither property<lb/>"nor judgment."</p> <p>However reasonable it may have seemed to the Noble Lord,<lb/>the <unclear>event</unclear> has been notoriously and but too extensively otherwise <add>opposite</add></p> <p> <sic>A<hi rend="superscript">o</hi></sic> 1773 per Hardy p <!-- blank space --> <gap/> National debt of Ireland.<lb/>£9..,.... pension list £1..,... National debt 1819.<lb/>£..,.... The property of the country would be safe in the<lb/>hands of the multitude: <add>which has neither property nor judgment</add> it never <del>can be safe</del> has been safe, it<lb/>never can be safe in the hands of those men of property and<lb/>consideration in whose hands it has always been, and <sic>till</sic> it<lb/>is completely destroyed, must, unless it be taken into the hands<lb/>of that same multitude <del>was</del> ever be. The reason <del>here <gap/><lb/>now</del> if it was not so before has been evident plain enough to<lb/>every eye that can endure to look at it. The multitude could<lb/>not take the property of the men of property and consideration<lb/> <Add>and divide it among themselves</add> without destroying <del>themselves and</del> one another and themselves<lb/>The men of property and consideration can <add>and do</add> take from the<lb/>multitude a very large proportion of their property, and<lb/>divide it among themselves, on condition of taking <add>from them</add> a much<lb/>larger proportion of their property and wasting it in an<lb/>infinite variety of ways, and in particular in employing<lb/>it in luring <del>men</del> their countrymen to murder and plunder<lb/>An inhabitant <add>subject</add> of other states by hundreds of thousands<lb/>on pretence of <del><gap/></del> honour and glory, and acquiring foreign<lb/>dependencies all <add>by way in</add> which without exception <del><gap/></del> taxes instead of<lb/>being diminished are <sic>increased</sic>: in acquiring these dependencies<lb/>for the sake of the <sic>plunderings</sic> to be obtained from them at their<lb/><add>expense</add><lb/><!-- continues in margin -->expense or that of the<lb/>mother country or both<lb/>in the shape of inducements<lb/>of office</p> | ||
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{{Metadata:{{PAGENAME}}}}{{ | {{Metadata:{{PAGENAME}}}}{{Completed}} | ||
1820 Jany 26
Radicalism not dangerous
§ 10
III Experience
II Ireland
Sheffield against Reform
"It seems reasonable to suppose" (continues the Noble Lord p 355)
"that while the election is in the hands of men of property and
"consideration, the elected will fulfil the purpose of legislation
"better than those sent by the multitude, which has neither property
"nor judgment."
However reasonable it may have seemed to the Noble Lord,
the event has been notoriously and but too extensively otherwise opposite
Ao 1773 per Hardy p National debt of Ireland.
£9..,.... pension list £1..,... National debt 1819.
£..,.... The property of the country would be safe in the
hands of the multitude: which has neither property nor judgment it never can be safe has been safe, it
never can be safe in the hands of those men of property and
consideration in whose hands it has always been, and till it
is completely destroyed, must, unless it be taken into the hands
of that same multitude was ever be. The reason here
now if it was not so before has been evident plain enough to
every eye that can endure to look at it. The multitude could
not take the property of the men of property and consideration
and divide it among themselves without destroying themselves and one another and themselves
The men of property and consideration can and do take from the
multitude a very large proportion of their property, and
divide it among themselves, on condition of taking from them a much
larger proportion of their property and wasting it in an
infinite variety of ways, and in particular in employing
it in luring men their countrymen to murder and plunder
An inhabitant subject of other states by hundreds of thousands
on pretence of honour and glory, and acquiring foreign
dependencies all by way in which without exception taxes instead of
being diminished are increased: in acquiring these dependencies
for the sake of the plunderings to be obtained from them at their
expense
expense or that of the
mother country or both
in the shape of inducements
of office
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Identifier: | JB/137/354/001"JB/" can not be assigned to a declared number type with value 137. |
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1820-01-26 |
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137 |
radicalism not dangerous |
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354 |
radicalism not dangerous |
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001 |
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text sheet |
1 |
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recto |
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jeremy bentham |
[[watermarks::[prince of wales feathers] i&m 1816]] |
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arthur wellesley, duke of wellington |
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1816 |
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47071 |
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