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<head>1820 April 26<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous</head> <!-- marginal notes in pencil --> <p><note>III Experience II Ireland</note><lb/>4 <note>§.3.</note></p> <p>All this is but negative though for the purpose in question,<lb/><del>the</del> proof of the <sic>undangerousness</sic> of democratic ascendency,<lb/>this negative is | <head>1820 April 26<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous</head> <!-- marginal notes in pencil --> <p><note>III Experience II Ireland</note><lb/>4 <note>§.3.</note></p> <p>All this is but negative: though for the purpose in question,<lb/><del>the</del> proof of the <sic>undangerousness</sic> of democratic ascendency,<lb/>this negative is amply sufficient.</p> <p><del>Time and place</del> Place and time <del><gap/></del> considered<lb/>even had <del>all</del> the evil results the absence of which has been<lb/>brought to view actually on that occasion had place, it<lb/>would not by any means have followed that in this country<lb/>that either in England or Scotland, at this time, <add>by</add> the same<lb/>power, as <del><sic>compleatly</sic> as this</del> <add>effectually</add> in the hands of all who chose<lb/>to partake in it as it was then, those evils or any of them<lb/>would have been produced. Who is there that can be insensible<lb/>to the magnitude of the body of <add>political</add> expression that has presented<lb/>itself to view since that time? Who is there, that in respect<lb/>of the extent to which <add>the diffusion</add> of political instruction has had place<lb/>can be insensible to the differences between Ireland on the<lb/>one hand, and England and Scotland on the other?</p> | ||
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{{Metadata:{{PAGENAME}}}}{{ | {{Metadata:{{PAGENAME}}}}{{Completed}} | ||
1820 April 26
Radicalism not dangerous
III Experience II Ireland
4 §.3.
All this is but negative: though for the purpose in question,
the proof of the undangerousness of democratic ascendency,
this negative is amply sufficient.
Time and place Place and time considered
even had all the evil results the absence of which has been
brought to view actually on that occasion had place, it
would not by any means have followed that in this country
that either in England or Scotland, at this time, by the same
power, as compleatly as this effectually in the hands of all who chose
to partake in it as it was then, those evils or any of them
would have been produced. Who is there that can be insensible
to the magnitude of the body of political expression that has presented
itself to view since that time? Who is there, that in respect
of the extent to which the diffusion of political instruction has had place
can be insensible to the differences between Ireland on the
one hand, and England and Scotland on the other?
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radicalism not dangerous |
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jeremy bentham |
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