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<head>1820 <sic>Apr.</sic> 7<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous</head> <!-- marginal notes in pencil --> <p>+ <note>III Experience II Ireland</note><lb/>(1) 1 <note>&sect; Reforms indispensable</note></p> <p>&#9758; 11 <sic>Apr.</sic> 1820.  This <del><gap/></del> scarcely belongs to Ireland.<lb/>Circumstances on which the possibility of reform depends.</p> <p><note>1<lb/>Would it have been<lb/>better had Convention<lb/>stood up against Parliament?<lb/>Scarcely an<lb/>answer, other than<lb/>hypothetical be given</note></p> <p>The result <del><gap/></del> of the conflict between the real <del>repres</del> and<lb/>the nominal representatives of the Irish  people the termination<lb/>of democratic ascendency, the restoration of <sic>Monarchico</sic>-<lb/>aristocratical ascendency &#x2014; with which of two opposite emotions<lb/>will it be viewed by an enlightened lover of mankind?<lb/>The answer, if a considerate one can scarcely be<lb/>a categorical one &#x2014; can scarcely be other than an hypothetical<lb/>one, depending on suppositions the reasonableness<lb/>of which must ever remain problematical and indeterminate.</p> <p><note>2<lb/>Had the aristocrat<lb/>leaders been as pretended<lb/>the friends of the people<lb/>they would have supported<lb/>people's cause with effect<lb/>Convention would have<lb/>been authoritative.  Behaviour<lb/>continued obsequious</note></p> <p>Had the members of the Aristocracy under <del>the</del> <add>whose</add> command<lb/>or direction the great body of the Associates had placed<lb/>themselves, had they been <add>at least</add> what they professed to be the <add>real</add> friends<lb/>of the people by whom they had been chosen, they would <unclear>then</unclear><lb/>have supported in the two Houses the cause of the people, and<lb/>would have supported it with effect.  Instead of the Convention<lb/>it is by the Parliament that the part of obsequiousness<lb/>and concession would have been <!-- continued and paragraph mark in pencil --><add>continued</add> acted. |</p> <p><note>3<lb/>Sole intelligible use<lb/>and meaning of the Bill<lb/>of Rights clause acknowledging<lb/>the right of having<lb/>arms for self-defence,<lb/><sic>d<hi rend="superscript">o</hi></sic> for natural self-defence,<lb/><sic>d<hi rend="superscript">o</hi></sic> for eventual self-defence<lb/>against government.  By real<lb/>friends of the people their<lb/>having been 5 years in<lb/>possession and enjoyment<lb/>of that right, would not<lb/>have been <sic>alledged</sic> as to<lb/>sufficient reason for the<lb/>abrogation of it</note></p>  <p>That the people at<lb/>large were in <del>that defensible-fancible state</del> <add>possession of that physical faculty of self-defence <!-- continues into margin --> in which it was the<lb/>object of the Bill of Rights</add> which by one<lb/>of its article the Bill of Rights if it meant any thing meant<lb/>to secure to them by legal declaration and enactment &#x2014; that<lb/>that the great body of the people were in this condition<lb/>would not at the end of five years of enjoyment been<lb/>made <add><gap/> for</add> a subject of condemnation than down to that very<lb/>moment it had been during the whole course of that same<lb/>period.  <del>The pr</del> In the eyes of the professed guardians of the<lb/>people's rights, <del>there</del> the fact of the people's being actually in the<lb/>possession and <sic>encrease</sic> of that right without which all others are<lb/><del>no</del> <add>no better than</add> nugatory and unavailing, would not have been held up to view<lb/><add>as</add><lb/><!-- continues in margin --> as a sufficient reason<lb/>for the abrogation of it</p>         
<head>1820 <sic>Apr.</sic> 7<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous</head> <!-- marginal notes in pencil --> <p>+ <note>III Experience II Ireland</note><lb/>(1) 1 <note>&sect; Reforms indispensable</note></p> <p>&#9758; 11 <sic>Apr.</sic> 1820.  This <del><gap/></del> scarcely belongs to Ireland.<lb/>Circumstances on which the possibility of reform depends.</p> <p><note>1<lb/>Would it have been<lb/>better had Convention<lb/>stood up against Parliament?<lb/>Scarcely an<lb/>answer, other than<lb/>hypothetical be given</note></p> <p>The result <del><gap/></del> of the conflict between the real <del>repres</del> and<lb/>the nominal representatives of the Irish  people the termination<lb/>of democratic ascendency, the restoration of <sic>Monarchico</sic>-<lb/>aristocratical ascendency &#x2014; with which of two opposite emotions<lb/>will it be viewed by an enlightened lover of mankind?<lb/>The answer, if a considerate one can scarcely be<lb/>a categorical one &#x2014; can scarcely be other than an hypothetical<lb/>one, depending on suppositions the reasonableness<lb/>of which must ever remain problematical and indeterminate.</p> <p><note>2<lb/>Had the aristocrat<lb/>leaders been as pretended<lb/>the friends of the people<lb/>they would have supported<lb/>people's cause with effect<lb/>Convention would have<lb/>been authoritative.  Behaviour<lb/>continued obsequious</note></p> <p>Had the members of the Aristocracy under <del>the</del> <add>whose</add> command<lb/>or direction the great body of the Associates had placed<lb/>themselves, had they been <add>at least</add> what they professed to be the <add>real</add> friends<lb/>of the people by whom they had been chosen, they would <unclear>then</unclear><lb/>have supported in the two Houses the cause of the people, and<lb/>would have supported it with effect.  Instead of the Convention<lb/>it is by the Parliament that the part of obsequiousness<lb/>and concession would have been <!-- continued and paragraph mark in pencil --><add>continued</add> acted. |</p> <p><note>3<lb/>Sole intelligible use<lb/>and meaning of the Bill<lb/>of Rights clause acknowledging<lb/>the right of having<lb/>arms for self-defence,<lb/><sic>d<hi rend="superscript">o</hi></sic> for natural self-defence,<lb/><sic>d<hi rend="superscript">o</hi></sic> for eventual self-defence<lb/>against government.  By real<lb/>friends of the people their<lb/>having been 5 years in<lb/>possession and enjoyment<lb/>of that right, would not<lb/>have been <sic>alledged</sic> as to<lb/>sufficient reason for the<lb/>abrogation of it</note></p>  <p>That the people at<lb/>large were in <del>that defensible-fancible state</del> <add>possession of that physical faculty of self-defence <!-- continues into margin --> in which it was the<lb/>object of the Bill of Rights</add> which by one<lb/>of its article the Bill of Rights if it meant any thing meant<lb/>to secure to them by legal declaration and enactment &#x2014; that<lb/>that the great body of the people were in this condition<lb/>would not at the end of five years of enjoyment been<lb/>made <add>taken for</add> a subject of condemnation than down to that very<lb/>moment it had been during the whole course of that same<lb/>period.  <del>The pr</del> In the eyes of the professed guardians of the<lb/>people's rights, <del>there</del> the fact of the people's being actually in the<lb/>possession and <sic>encrease</sic> of that right without which all others are<lb/><del>no</del> <add>no better than</add> nugatory and unavailing, would not have been held up to view<lb/><add>as</add><lb/><!-- continues in margin --> as a sufficient reason<lb/>for the abrogation of it</p>         






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1820 Apr. 7
Radicalism not dangerous

+ III Experience II Ireland
(1) 1 § Reforms indispensable

☞ 11 Apr. 1820. This scarcely belongs to Ireland.
Circumstances on which the possibility of reform depends.

1
Would it have been
better had Convention
stood up against Parliament?
Scarcely an
answer, other than
hypothetical be given

The result of the conflict between the real repres and
the nominal representatives of the Irish people the termination
of democratic ascendency, the restoration of Monarchico-
aristocratical ascendency — with which of two opposite emotions
will it be viewed by an enlightened lover of mankind?
The answer, if a considerate one can scarcely be
a categorical one — can scarcely be other than an hypothetical
one, depending on suppositions the reasonableness
of which must ever remain problematical and indeterminate.

2
Had the aristocrat
leaders been as pretended
the friends of the people
they would have supported
people's cause with effect
Convention would have
been authoritative. Behaviour
continued obsequious

Had the members of the Aristocracy under the whose command
or direction the great body of the Associates had placed
themselves, had they been at least what they professed to be the real friends
of the people by whom they had been chosen, they would then
have supported in the two Houses the cause of the people, and
would have supported it with effect. Instead of the Convention
it is by the Parliament that the part of obsequiousness
and concession would have been continued acted. |

3
Sole intelligible use
and meaning of the Bill
of Rights clause acknowledging
the right of having
arms for self-defence,
do for natural self-defence,
do for eventual self-defence
against government. By real
friends of the people their
having been 5 years in
possession and enjoyment
of that right, would not
have been alledged as to
sufficient reason for the
abrogation of it

That the people at
large were in that defensible-fancible state possession of that physical faculty of self-defence in which it was the
object of the Bill of Rights
which by one
of its article the Bill of Rights if it meant any thing meant
to secure to them by legal declaration and enactment — that
that the great body of the people were in this condition
would not at the end of five years of enjoyment been
made taken for a subject of condemnation than down to that very
moment it had been during the whole course of that same
period. The pr In the eyes of the professed guardians of the
people's rights, there the fact of the people's being actually in the
possession and encrease of that right without which all others are
no no better than nugatory and unavailing, would not have been held up to view
as
as a sufficient reason
for the abrogation of it




Identifier: | JB/137/443/001"JB/" can not be assigned to a declared number type with value 137.

Date_1

1820-04-07

Marginal Summary Numbering

1-3

Box

137

Main Headings

radicalism not dangerous

Folio number

443

Info in main headings field

radicalism not dangerous

Image

001

Titles

Category

text sheet

Number of Pages

1

Recto/Verso

recto

Page Numbering

c1 / e1

Penner

jeremy bentham

Watermarks

Marginals

jeremy bentham

Paper Producer

Corrections

Paper Produced in Year

Notes public

ID Number

47160

Box Contents

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