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<head>138 THE EXAMINER.</head>-----<p><!-- The text on this page is fully justified and divided into two columns. --> or as a tax on marine insurance, the mischief is disguised, and payment<lb/>is made without a murmur. The minister, it is said, now intends to<lb/>impose, in the indirect mode; his tax on conveyance by steam. An<lb/>able writer in the <hi rend="underline">Westminster Review</hi> once observed, that John Bull<lb/>might be persuaded to contribute to the burning of his own father,<lb/>provided the contribution were levied indirectly in the shape of a<lb/>tax on faggots.</p><p>The minister asserts that the reductions he proposes render necessary<lb/>the imposition of the new taxes. The public in general have<lb/>but an imperfect view of the reductions which may be made in the<lb/>government expenditure; that view scarcely extends beyond the<lb/>individual cases of the sinecurists, pensioners, which have been<lb/>presented to general attention, or the assertion would never be tolerated.<lb/>Our able contemporary, the <hi rend="underline">Scotsman</hi>, some time ago endeavoured, in<lb/>an excellent article, to make palpable the reductions of expenditure,<lb/>and the effect corresponding, remissions of taxes, on the conveniences<lb/>of life. It states that</p><p>Among other evils arising from the immense magnitude of our taxation,<lb/>there is this, that it reconciles us to many individual cases of waste and<lb/>extravagance which might be remedied, and multiplies the obstacles to<lb/>retrenchment, both on the great scale and the small. When a practical<lb/>saving is pointed out, if it is large, the public may be zealous for it, but the<lb/>government is averse to such a sweeping change; and if it is small, it is<lb/>impossible to get six individuals to interest themselves in the matter, because no<lb/>one sees how it is to produce any sensible relief to himself or others. Besides,<lb/>much molestation teaches persons to economise their feelings as well as<lb/>their time and labour. When we have the conviction ever present in our<lb/>minds, that such an overgrown revenue system as ours must abound in<lb/>abuses, prudence dictates that we ought not to discompose ourselves<lb/>excessively about some single grievance that is incidentally brought<lb/>forth from the mass, and obtruded on our notice. In short, between the<lb/>immobility of government, and the apathy of the public, a hundred economical<lb/>reforms, which are perfectly practicable, remain unaccomplished.<lb/>It has often occurred to <sic>to</sic> us that the benefits of retrenchment might be<lb/>rendered more tangible by placing specific savings against specific taxes,<lb/>and showing the public the task and the reward, the bane and the antidote,<lb/>in juxta-position. We shall endeavour to render this intelligible by a few<lb/>examples. Every body knows that there is an officer called Lord<lb/>Lieutenant of Ireland, who has 300,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. per annum for enacting the part of a<lb/>state pageant in Dublin. When the Sister Kingdom had an independent<lb/>legislation, there was at least a pretext for having such a functionary, but<lb/>now there is none: for, as his Lordship decides in no matter of importance<lb/>till he has received instructions from London, it would evidently save<lb/>both time and trouble to make the parties interested correspond directly<lb/>with the Treasury. The office, in sooth, was spared at the time of the Union<lb/>to soothe the vanity of the Irish, by keeping up the phantom of a separate<lb/>government after the substance was gone. Let us, then, suppose the<lb/>lieutenancy abolished, the question is, what shall we do with the money<lb/>saved? Throw it into the sinking fund? No, certainly: for who cares<lb/>a pinch of snuff about adding <sic>30,000</sic><hi rend="underline">l</hi>. to a fund which may being relief<lb/>to our grandchildren, but will bring none to us. We should give it a<lb/>different destination—we would select from the list of our taxes some one<lb/>of corresponding amount, and repeal it. For example if we take the<lb/>tax on <sic>almanacks</sic>, which yielded last year 30,718<hi rend="underline">l</hi>.: by abolishing this<lb/>useless office we may enable every poor man in the kingdom to get an<lb/>article which neither poor nor rich ought to want, but which is at present<lb/>beyond the reach of thousands to whom it would be useful. The duty on<lb/><sic>almanacks</sic> is 1<hi rend="underline">s</hi>. 3<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. each, the consequence of which is, that one of the very<lb/>smallest size costs 2<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. 6<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. Repeal the tax, and we think we might give a<lb/>guarantee that the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge wou'd<lb/>publish one of these most necessary manuals at 4<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. or 6<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. Now, we ask<lb/>whether it is better that nine-tenths of the people of Britain should want<lb/><sic>almanacks</sic>, which answer a thousand questions as to times and tides, or<lb/>that Ireland should be deprived of a state pageant, who has not even the<lb/>merit of answering a single question till he communicates with his masters<lb/>in London!</p> | <head>138 THE EXAMINER.</head>-----<p><!-- The text on this page is fully justified and divided into two columns. --> or as a tax on marine insurance, the mischief is disguised, and payment<lb/>is made without a murmur. The minister, it is said, now intends to<lb/>impose, in the indirect mode; his tax on conveyance by steam. An<lb/>able writer in the <hi rend="underline">Westminster Review</hi> once observed, that John Bull<lb/>might be persuaded to contribute to the burning of his own father,<lb/>provided the contribution were levied indirectly in the shape of a<lb/>tax on faggots.</p><p>The minister asserts that the reductions he proposes render necessary<lb/>the imposition of the new taxes. The public in general have<lb/>but an imperfect view of the reductions which may be made in the<lb/>government expenditure; that view scarcely extends beyond the<lb/>individual cases of the sinecurists, pensioners, which have been<lb/>presented to general attention, or the assertion would never be tolerated.<lb/>Our able contemporary, the <hi rend="underline">Scotsman</hi>, some time ago endeavoured, in<lb/>an excellent article, to make palpable the reductions of expenditure,<lb/>and the effect corresponding, remissions of taxes, on the conveniences<lb/>of life. It states that</p><p>Among other evils arising from the immense magnitude of our taxation,<lb/>there is this, that it reconciles us to many individual cases of waste and<lb/>extravagance which might be remedied, and multiplies the obstacles to<lb/>retrenchment, both on the great scale and the small. When a practical<lb/>saving is pointed out, if it is large, the public may be zealous for it, but the<lb/>government is averse to such a sweeping change; and if it is small, it is<lb/>impossible to get six individuals to interest themselves in the matter, because no<lb/>one sees how it is to produce any sensible relief to himself or others. Besides,<lb/>much molestation teaches persons to economise their feelings as well as<lb/>their time and labour. When we have the conviction ever present in our<lb/>minds, that such an overgrown revenue system as ours must abound in<lb/>abuses, prudence dictates that we ought not to discompose ourselves<lb/>excessively about some single grievance that is incidentally brought<lb/>forth from the mass, and obtruded on our notice. In short, between the<lb/>immobility of government, and the apathy of the public, a hundred economical<lb/>reforms, which are perfectly practicable, remain unaccomplished.<lb/>It has often occurred to <sic>to</sic> us that the benefits of retrenchment might be<lb/>rendered more tangible by placing specific savings against specific taxes,<lb/>and showing the public the task and the reward, the bane and the antidote,<lb/>in juxta-position. We shall endeavour to render this intelligible by a few<lb/>examples. Every body knows that there is an officer called Lord<lb/>Lieutenant of Ireland, who has 300,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. per annum for enacting the part of a<lb/>state pageant in Dublin. When the Sister Kingdom had an independent<lb/>legislation, there was at least a pretext for having such a functionary, but<lb/>now there is none: for, as his Lordship decides in no matter of importance<lb/>till he has received instructions from London, it would evidently save<lb/>both time and trouble to make the parties interested correspond directly<lb/>with the Treasury. The office, in sooth, was spared at the time of the Union<lb/>to soothe the vanity of the Irish, by keeping up the phantom of a separate<lb/>government after the substance was gone. Let us, then, suppose the<lb/>lieutenancy abolished, the question is, what shall we do with the money<lb/>saved? Throw it into the sinking fund? No, certainly: for who cares<lb/>a pinch of snuff about adding <sic>30,000</sic><hi rend="underline">l</hi>. to a fund which may being relief<lb/>to our grandchildren, but will bring none to us. We should give it a<lb/>different destination—we would select from the list of our taxes some one<lb/>of corresponding amount, and repeal it. For example if we take the<lb/>tax on <sic>almanacks</sic>, which yielded last year 30,718<hi rend="underline">l</hi>.: by abolishing this<lb/>useless office we may enable every poor man in the kingdom to get an<lb/>article which neither poor nor rich ought to want, but which is at present<lb/>beyond the reach of thousands to whom it would be useful. The duty on<lb/><sic>almanacks</sic> is 1<hi rend="underline">s</hi>. 3<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. each, the consequence of which is, that one of the very<lb/>smallest size costs 2<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. 6<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. Repeal the tax, and we think we might give a<lb/>guarantee that the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge wou'd<lb/>publish one of these most necessary manuals at 4<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. or 6<hi rend="underline">d</hi>. Now, we ask<lb/>whether it is better that nine-tenths of the people of Britain should want<lb/><sic>almanacks</sic>, which answer a thousand questions as to times and tides, or<lb/>that Ireland should be deprived of a state pageant, who has not even the<lb/>merit of answering a single question till he communicates with his masters<lb/>in London!</p><p>Our countryman, Lord Melville, by no means a bad man, enjoys the<lb/>sinecure of keeper of the privy seal, for which he draws 3,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. per<lb/>annum. As he has another office with a large salary, we see no hardship in<lb/>depriving him of this: and, in casting our eye over the table of the custom<lb/>duties for an equivalent, we find that by this means every good housewife<lb/>might have a sago pudding (a favourite with Dr. Redgill) at half the<lb/>present price. We admit that sago puddings are not indispensable to the<lb/>happiness of "the general gender:" but neither is Lord Melville's<lb/>sinecure; and if the question were, whether sago puddings should fall one-half,<lb/>or his lordship draw a salary which he does not work for and ought<lb/>not to need, we would certainly, on the "greatest happiness" principle,<lb/>declare for the pudding! We give this as an example how the value of<lb/>small savings may be exhibited in a tangible shape.</p><p>In the Finance Book for last year, we find 114,800<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. put down as interest<lb/>paid by us on a Russian loan in Holland. Since the northern autocrat<lb/>is at this moment squeezing large sums out of Turkey and Persia, we<lb/>think he cannot make a better use of the money than by discharging his<lb/>just debts, or at least taking the burden of interest upon himself. If this<lb/>is an annual charge, as we suspect it is, its abolition would enable ministers<lb/>to remit nearly one-half of the tax on sea insurance. Let the shipping<lb/>interest, then, consider whether it is better that they should get this relief,<lb/>or that our government should be generous to one who, as many think, has<lb/>been very ungenerous to our ancient allies, the Turks and Persians.</p><p>In the Irish expenditure, we find 13,500<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. put down for "secret services<lb/>in detecting treasonable conspiracies," which, thanks to the Duke of<lb/>Wellington, are now plucked up by the roots, by one act of justice and policy.<lb/>Ireland should in future need as little of such "services" as Scotland.<lb/>Away, then, with this item; and, as a compensation, cocoa and chocolate,<lb/>valuable as articles of medical regimen (9100<hi rend="underline">l</hi>.), may come in duty free;<lb/>and ginger, a healthful condiment (4200<hi rend="underline">l</hi>.). "shall be hot in the mouth"<lb/>of many whose mouths at present it never enters.</p><p>We showed, some time ago, on the authority of a parliamentary paper,<lb/>that about 400,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. per annum is consumed in Irish grants, which are<lb/>either idle or pernicious, or unnecessarily large where useful. If the<lb/>suggestions of the committee are acted on, at least 150,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. of this will<lb/>be saved. How shall we dispose of this windfall, when it comes? We<lb/>would repeal the monstrous and impolitic tax on advertisements, which<lb/>yielded 155,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. last year, and by this means enable merchants, booksellers,<lb/>tradesmen, and attorneys, to get for one shilling what now costs them six,<lb/>eight, or ten! We do not know a single impost that is more hurtful to<lb/>trade than this. The sum of 66,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. was expended last year on "volunteer<lb/>corps," which now must be as useless to the country as a piece of<lb/>ordnance would be to a ploughman. Strike off this item of expenditure,<lb/>and you can afford to part with the duty on mahogany—72,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>.</p><p>Another absurd charge is 283,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. for "disembodied militia:" for</p><pb/>this domestic army, though out of the body for service, still enjoys a<lb/>portion of vitality as a burden on the national purse. Get rid of three-fourths<lb/>of this, and, <hi rend="underline">en revanche</hi>, let us be relieved from the vexations and<lb/>ensnaring duties on "stamp receipts," which yielded last year 217,000<hi rend="underline">l</hi>.<p>Pray what is the use of Heligoland, when every port from<lb/>Archangel to Cadiz is open to us? Why not give up this rock, which costs<lb/>6,100<hi rend="underline">l</hi>. per annum, and repeal the duty on ashes (5,600<hi rend="underline">l</hi>.), an article useful<lb/>in so many species of manufacture; or on tar (7,900<hi rend="underline">l</hi>.), as a boon to the<lb/>shipping interest.</p> | ||
138 THE EXAMINER.-----
or as a tax on marine insurance, the mischief is disguised, and payment
is made without a murmur. The minister, it is said, now intends to
impose, in the indirect mode; his tax on conveyance by steam. An
able writer in the Westminster Review once observed, that John Bull
might be persuaded to contribute to the burning of his own father,
provided the contribution were levied indirectly in the shape of a
tax on faggots.
The minister asserts that the reductions he proposes render necessary
the imposition of the new taxes. The public in general have
but an imperfect view of the reductions which may be made in the
government expenditure; that view scarcely extends beyond the
individual cases of the sinecurists, pensioners, which have been
presented to general attention, or the assertion would never be tolerated.
Our able contemporary, the Scotsman, some time ago endeavoured, in
an excellent article, to make palpable the reductions of expenditure,
and the effect corresponding, remissions of taxes, on the conveniences
of life. It states that
Among other evils arising from the immense magnitude of our taxation,
there is this, that it reconciles us to many individual cases of waste and
extravagance which might be remedied, and multiplies the obstacles to
retrenchment, both on the great scale and the small. When a practical
saving is pointed out, if it is large, the public may be zealous for it, but the
government is averse to such a sweeping change; and if it is small, it is
impossible to get six individuals to interest themselves in the matter, because no
one sees how it is to produce any sensible relief to himself or others. Besides,
much molestation teaches persons to economise their feelings as well as
their time and labour. When we have the conviction ever present in our
minds, that such an overgrown revenue system as ours must abound in
abuses, prudence dictates that we ought not to discompose ourselves
excessively about some single grievance that is incidentally brought
forth from the mass, and obtruded on our notice. In short, between the
immobility of government, and the apathy of the public, a hundred economical
reforms, which are perfectly practicable, remain unaccomplished.
It has often occurred to to us that the benefits of retrenchment might be
rendered more tangible by placing specific savings against specific taxes,
and showing the public the task and the reward, the bane and the antidote,
in juxta-position. We shall endeavour to render this intelligible by a few
examples. Every body knows that there is an officer called Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, who has 300,000l. per annum for enacting the part of a
state pageant in Dublin. When the Sister Kingdom had an independent
legislation, there was at least a pretext for having such a functionary, but
now there is none: for, as his Lordship decides in no matter of importance
till he has received instructions from London, it would evidently save
both time and trouble to make the parties interested correspond directly
with the Treasury. The office, in sooth, was spared at the time of the Union
to soothe the vanity of the Irish, by keeping up the phantom of a separate
government after the substance was gone. Let us, then, suppose the
lieutenancy abolished, the question is, what shall we do with the money
saved? Throw it into the sinking fund? No, certainly: for who cares
a pinch of snuff about adding 30,000l. to a fund which may being relief
to our grandchildren, but will bring none to us. We should give it a
different destination—we would select from the list of our taxes some one
of corresponding amount, and repeal it. For example if we take the
tax on almanacks, which yielded last year 30,718l.: by abolishing this
useless office we may enable every poor man in the kingdom to get an
article which neither poor nor rich ought to want, but which is at present
beyond the reach of thousands to whom it would be useful. The duty on
almanacks is 1s. 3d. each, the consequence of which is, that one of the very
smallest size costs 2d. 6d. Repeal the tax, and we think we might give a
guarantee that the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge wou'd
publish one of these most necessary manuals at 4d. or 6d. Now, we ask
whether it is better that nine-tenths of the people of Britain should want
almanacks, which answer a thousand questions as to times and tides, or
that Ireland should be deprived of a state pageant, who has not even the
merit of answering a single question till he communicates with his masters
in London!
Our countryman, Lord Melville, by no means a bad man, enjoys the
sinecure of keeper of the privy seal, for which he draws 3,000l. per
annum. As he has another office with a large salary, we see no hardship in
depriving him of this: and, in casting our eye over the table of the custom
duties for an equivalent, we find that by this means every good housewife
might have a sago pudding (a favourite with Dr. Redgill) at half the
present price. We admit that sago puddings are not indispensable to the
happiness of "the general gender:" but neither is Lord Melville's
sinecure; and if the question were, whether sago puddings should fall one-half,
or his lordship draw a salary which he does not work for and ought
not to need, we would certainly, on the "greatest happiness" principle,
declare for the pudding! We give this as an example how the value of
small savings may be exhibited in a tangible shape.
In the Finance Book for last year, we find 114,800l. put down as interest
paid by us on a Russian loan in Holland. Since the northern autocrat
is at this moment squeezing large sums out of Turkey and Persia, we
think he cannot make a better use of the money than by discharging his
just debts, or at least taking the burden of interest upon himself. If this
is an annual charge, as we suspect it is, its abolition would enable ministers
to remit nearly one-half of the tax on sea insurance. Let the shipping
interest, then, consider whether it is better that they should get this relief,
or that our government should be generous to one who, as many think, has
been very ungenerous to our ancient allies, the Turks and Persians.
In the Irish expenditure, we find 13,500l. put down for "secret services
in detecting treasonable conspiracies," which, thanks to the Duke of
Wellington, are now plucked up by the roots, by one act of justice and policy.
Ireland should in future need as little of such "services" as Scotland.
Away, then, with this item; and, as a compensation, cocoa and chocolate,
valuable as articles of medical regimen (9100l.), may come in duty free;
and ginger, a healthful condiment (4200l.). "shall be hot in the mouth"
of many whose mouths at present it never enters.
We showed, some time ago, on the authority of a parliamentary paper,
that about 400,000l. per annum is consumed in Irish grants, which are
either idle or pernicious, or unnecessarily large where useful. If the
suggestions of the committee are acted on, at least 150,000l. of this will
be saved. How shall we dispose of this windfall, when it comes? We
would repeal the monstrous and impolitic tax on advertisements, which
yielded 155,000l. last year, and by this means enable merchants, booksellers,
tradesmen, and attorneys, to get for one shilling what now costs them six,
eight, or ten! We do not know a single impost that is more hurtful to
trade than this. The sum of 66,000l. was expended last year on "volunteer
corps," which now must be as useless to the country as a piece of
ordnance would be to a ploughman. Strike off this item of expenditure,
and you can afford to part with the duty on mahogany—72,000l.
Another absurd charge is 283,000l. for "disembodied militia:" for
---page break---
this domestic army, though out of the body for service, still enjoys a
portion of vitality as a burden on the national purse. Get rid of three-fourths
of this, and, en revanche, let us be relieved from the vexations and
ensnaring duties on "stamp receipts," which yielded last year 217,000l.
Pray what is the use of Heligoland, when every port from
Archangel to Cadiz is open to us? Why not give up this rock, which costs
6,100l. per annum, and repeal the duty on ashes (5,600l.), an article useful
in so many species of manufacture; or on tar (7,900l.), as a boon to the
shipping interest.
Identifier: | JB/004/070/010"JB/" can not be assigned to a declared number type with value 4. |
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lord brougham displayed |
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the examiner / sunday, february 27, 1831 / no. 1204 |
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[[notes_public::"john fonblanques eulogium on brougham" [note in bentham's hand]]] |
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