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<head>1820 <sic>Jan.</sic> 11.<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous</head> <!-- marginal notes in pencil --> <p>+ 4 <note>2<hi rend="superscript">o</hi><lb/>II. Ireland</note><lb/>1</p> <p><note>or 1<lb/>Positions respecting the<lb/>Irish case<lb/>1.  For 5 years 1778 to<lb/>1783, democratic ascendency<lb/>2.  Subversion of property<lb/>none<lb/>3. Subversion of the Constitution<lb/>none.<lb/>4. Preponderant evil, none.<lb/>5. Preponderant good much.<lb/>6. Laws thereby produced still<lb/>existing and deemed good<lb/><del>6</del> 7. Democratic ascendency>;b/>more liable to produce<lb/>evil there and then<lb/>than now and here</note></p> <p>To bring the matter <add>argument</add> to a <del><gap/></del> point, and place in the<lb/>clearest view possible its bearings on the present question, I<lb/><unclear>povend</unclear> to give expression to it in the following positions<lb/><add>accompanying</add> such positions being accompanied with the historical proof<lb/>and adding when occasion seems to require a few explanations <add>explanatory particulars</add></p> <p>The positions are these</p> <p>Position the first.  During a course of use less than five years<lb/>namely from 1778 to 1783, both of those numbers in part<lb/>inclusive, <hi rend="underline">democratic ascendency</hi> in Ireland.</p> <p>Position 2. During the <del>continuous</del> continuance of<lb/>democratic ascendency in Ireland no "subversion of the<lb/>"rights of property", nor any attempt <del>at</del> towards any such<lb/>subversion <add>had</add> took place</p> <p>Position 3.  During the continuance of democratic<lb/>ascendency in Ireland, no "subversion of the constitution,<lb/><del>or</del> nor any attempt towards <del>the</del> any such subversion<lb/><add>had</add> took place.</p> <p>Position 4. During the continuance of democratic ascendency<lb/>in Ireland, it was not productive of preponderant evil, or of considerable evil,<lb/>in any other shape.</p> <p>Position <del>4</del> 5 During the continuance of democratic<lb/>ascendency in Ireland, <add>"of preponderant good a <del>pro</del> mass altogether prodigious</add>  The felicity of the people <add>was</add> in all<lb/>points <del>morality <gap/.</del> tranquillity and morality included<lb/>greater than had ever been known before, or has ever been<lb/>known since, ever known since democratic ascendency<lb/>ceased, and <del><gap/><?del> <sic>monarchico</sic>-aristocratical ascendency<lb/>having <Add>the</add> reinstated itself has continued.</p> <p><del>Position 4</del> Position 6.  The democratic ascendency<lb/>so <del>then</del> established was more in danger of producing evil<lb/>in the above shapes than would be democratic ascendency<lb/>would be if established by the <del>proposed</del>reform proposed under the <lb/><add>name</add> <lb/><!-- continues in margin -->name of radical<lb/>reform in the Commons<lb/>House of the <hi rend="underline">British</hi> and<lb/><hi rend="underline">Irish Parliament</hi>.</p>           
<head>1820 <sic>Jan.</sic> 11.<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous</head> <!-- marginal notes in pencil --> <p>+ 4 <note>2<hi rend="superscript">o</hi><lb/>II. Ireland</note><lb/>1</p> <p><note>or 1<lb/>Positions respecting the<lb/>Irish case<lb/>1.  For 5 years 1778 to<lb/>1783, democratic ascendency<lb/>2.  Subversion of property<lb/>none<lb/>3. Subversion of the Constitution<lb/>none.<lb/>4. Preponderant evil, none.<lb/>5. Preponderant good much.<lb/>6. Laws thereby produced still<lb/>existing and deemed good<lb/><del>6</del> 7. Democratic ascendency<lb/>more liable to produce<lb/>evil there and then<lb/>than now and here</note></p> <p>To bring the matter <add>argument</add> to a <del><gap/></del> point, and place in the<lb/>clearest view possible its bearings on the present question, I<lb/><unclear>povend</unclear> to give expression to it in the following positions<lb/><add>accompanying</add> such positions being accompanied with the historical proof<lb/>and adding when occasion seems to require a few explanations <add>explanatory particulars</add></p> <p>The positions are these</p> <p>Position the first.  During a course of not less than five years<lb/>namely from 1778 to 1783, both of those numbers in part<lb/>inclusive, <hi rend="underline">democratic ascendency</hi> in Ireland.</p> <p>Position 2. During the <del>continuous</del> continuance of<lb/>democratic ascendency in Ireland no "subversion of the<lb/>"rights of property", nor any attempt <del>at</del> towards any such<lb/>subversion <add>had</add> took place</p> <p>Position 3.  During the continuance of democratic<lb/>ascendency in Ireland, no "subversion of the constitution,<lb/><del>or</del> nor any attempt towards <del>the</del> any such subversion<lb/><add>had</add> took place.</p> <p>Position 4. During the continuance of democratic ascendency<lb/>in Ireland, it was not productive of preponderant evil, or of considerable evil,<lb/>in any other shape.</p> <p>Position <del>4</del> 5 During the continuance of democratic<lb/>ascendency in Ireland, <add>"of preponderant good a <del>pro</del> mass altogether prodigious</add>  The felicity of the people <add>was</add> in all<lb/>points <del>morality <gap/></del> tranquillity and morality included<lb/>greater than had ever been known before, or has ever been<lb/>known since, ever known since democratic ascendency<lb/>ceased, and <del>a</del> <sic>monarchico</sic>-aristocratical ascendency<lb/>having <add>the</add> reinstated itself has continued.</p> <p><del>Position 4</del> Position 6.  The democratic ascendency<lb/>so <del>then</del> established was more in danger of producing evil<lb/>in the above shapes than would be democratic ascendency<lb/>would be if established by the <del>proposed</del> reform proposed under the <lb/><add>name</add> <lb/><!-- continues in margin -->name of radical<lb/>reform in the Commons<lb/>House of the <hi rend="underline">British</hi> and<lb/><hi rend="underline">Irish Parliament</hi>.</p>           






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Revision as of 11:08, 21 May 2020

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1820 Jan. 11.
Radicalism not dangerous

+ 4 2o
II. Ireland

1

or 1
Positions respecting the
Irish case
1. For 5 years 1778 to
1783, democratic ascendency
2. Subversion of property
none
3. Subversion of the Constitution
none.
4. Preponderant evil, none.
5. Preponderant good much.
6. Laws thereby produced still
existing and deemed good
6 7. Democratic ascendency
more liable to produce
evil there and then
than now and here

To bring the matter argument to a point, and place in the
clearest view possible its bearings on the present question, I
povend to give expression to it in the following positions
accompanying such positions being accompanied with the historical proof
and adding when occasion seems to require a few explanations explanatory particulars

The positions are these

Position the first. During a course of not less than five years
namely from 1778 to 1783, both of those numbers in part
inclusive, democratic ascendency in Ireland.

Position 2. During the continuous continuance of
democratic ascendency in Ireland no "subversion of the
"rights of property", nor any attempt at towards any such
subversion had took place

Position 3. During the continuance of democratic
ascendency in Ireland, no "subversion of the constitution,
or nor any attempt towards the any such subversion
had took place.

Position 4. During the continuance of democratic ascendency
in Ireland, it was not productive of preponderant evil, or of considerable evil,
in any other shape.

Position 4 5 During the continuance of democratic
ascendency in Ireland, "of preponderant good a pro mass altogether prodigious The felicity of the people was in all
points morality tranquillity and morality included
greater than had ever been known before, or has ever been
known since, ever known since democratic ascendency
ceased, and a monarchico-aristocratical ascendency
having the reinstated itself has continued.

Position 4 Position 6. The democratic ascendency
so then established was more in danger of producing evil
in the above shapes than would be democratic ascendency
would be if established by the proposed reform proposed under the
name
name of radical
reform in the Commons
House of the British and
Irish Parliament.




Identifier: | JB/137/421/001"JB/" can not be assigned to a declared number type with value 137.

Date_1

1820-01-11

Marginal Summary Numbering

or 1

Box

137

Main Headings

radicalism not dangerous

Folio number

421

Info in main headings field

radicalism not dangerous

Image

001

Titles

Category

text sheet

Number of Pages

1

Recto/Verso

recto

Page Numbering

d4 / e1

Penner

jeremy bentham

Watermarks

[[watermarks::[prince of wales feathers] i&m 1818]]

Marginals

jeremy bentham

Paper Producer

arthur wellesley, duke of wellington

Corrections

Paper Produced in Year

1818

Notes public

ID Number

47138

Box Contents

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