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' | <head>1819 <sic>Dec</sic> 2<lb/>Radicalism not dangerous</head> <!-- marginal notes in pencil --> <p><note>II. Experience</note><lb/>8 <note>II Ireland<lb/>After Grattans Speech</note></p> <p>I repeat it — the real object of <add><gap/> and</add> abhorrence is<lb/>not insecurity, but security; security of the many against<lb/>the tyranny of the few: against <del><gap/></del> depredation and oppression<lb/>at the hands of the few against that tyranny to <add>under</add> which they<lb/>are <add>have so long been</add> now suffering and of which but for <del>,gap/></del> <add>efficient</add> radical reform<lb/>the yoke will be <gap/> <gap/> suffer more grievous <sic>till</sic><lb/>despair <del><gap/></del> produces utter general <add>associated</add> <gap/> in<lb/>particular <add>and scattered acts of</add> <gap/> and <gap/>: <gap/><lb/>commenced and provoked. I leave it to others to <gap/> justified<lb/>by themselves. <hi rend="superscript">[+]</hi></p> <p>Think you that in Scotland <del><gap/> <gap/><</del> if the<lb/>qualification of an Elector were fixed as high as £100<lb/>a year the aristocracy of the country would consent to<lb/>a system of <del>rep</del> representation on the principle of secrecy,<lb/>practical equality and <sic>annuality</sic> or <gap/> of<lb/>suffrage? Such was the question put <add><sic>t'other</sic> day</add> by a friend to radical<lb/>reform to a friend of his <gap/> in <gap/>, in <gap/>, and<lb/>in office, and <add>but</add> who himself was not a friend to radical<lb/>reform, "he" (was the concern) that they would act: they<lb/>would risk every thing they had first: they would risk<lb/>a civil <del><gap/></del> war.</p> <p>This <del><gap/></del> <sic>compleat</sic> is the absence of all public<lb/><gap/> in the vast majority of lives in whom according<lb/>to the principle received and acted upon the extensive<lb/>possession of all virtue in every <gap/> is to be found.</p> <!-- line in pencil across the page --> <p>[+] Command I will say. For what better than <gap/> is that<lb/>slaughter though it be in name of punishment, for an act the unlawfulness<lb/>of which supposing it unlawful the victim had no<lb/>possibility of being informed. In what manner can the name of justice<lb/>be more fragrantly or <add>more</add> shamelessly profaned, than by applying it to<lb/>acts of destruction <gap/> on individuals so circumstanced? Yet<lb/><add>to</add><lb/><!-- continues in margin --> to have preceded in this<lb/>way and no other <gap/.<lb/>the whole if its <gap/><lb/>is the effectual and<lb/>manifestly demonstrative<lb/>of that reproach to the<lb/>heart and understanding of<lb/><!-- continues along edge of page --> a <gap/> nature called by the manufacturers of this system of imposters and <add>oppression and</add> depredation the Common Law.</p> | ||
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{{Metadata:{{PAGENAME}}}}{{ | {{Metadata:{{PAGENAME}}}}{{In_Progress}} |
1819 Dec 2
Radicalism not dangerous
II. Experience
8 II Ireland
After Grattans Speech
I repeat it — the real object of and abhorrence is
not insecurity, but security; security of the many against
the tyranny of the few: against depredation and oppression
at the hands of the few against that tyranny to under which they
are have so long been now suffering and of which but for ,gap/> efficient radical reform
the yoke will be suffer more grievous till
despair produces utter general associated in
particular and scattered acts of and :
commenced and provoked. I leave it to others to justified
by themselves. [+]
Think you that in Scotland < if the
qualification of an Elector were fixed as high as £100
a year the aristocracy of the country would consent to
a system of rep representation on the principle of secrecy,
practical equality and annuality or of
suffrage? Such was the question put t'other day by a friend to radical
reform to a friend of his in , in , and
in office, and but who himself was not a friend to radical
reform, "he" (was the concern) that they would act: they
would risk every thing they had first: they would risk
a civil war.
This compleat is the absence of all public
in the vast majority of lives in whom according
to the principle received and acted upon the extensive
possession of all virtue in every is to be found.
[+] Command I will say. For what better than is that
slaughter though it be in name of punishment, for an act the unlawfulness
of which supposing it unlawful the victim had no
possibility of being informed. In what manner can the name of justice
be more fragrantly or more shamelessly profaned, than by applying it to
acts of destruction on individuals so circumstanced? Yet
to
to have preceded in this
way and no other <gap/.
the whole if its
is the effectual and
manifestly demonstrative
of that reproach to the
heart and understanding of
a nature called by the manufacturers of this system of imposters and oppression and depredation the Common Law.
Identifier: | JB/137/483/001"JB/" can not be assigned to a declared number type with value 137. |
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