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in the advantages of our improvements in machinery. We understand,
however, that the cotton manufacturers assert, that the new tax, added to the
present tax of a half-penny per pound, will have considerable effect on the
sale of the manufactured article; and that they intend to prove that our
export would be greatly increased if all taxes were taken off raw cotton. The
Ministers have consented to allow the drawback on printed calicoes on exportation,
for three months; but have refused to allow drawback on the stock in
hand for home consumption. This appears to us very unfair on the persons
who have stocks of goods fitted only for the English market.
Instead of allowing the drawback only on exportation, and that but for three
months, the drawback should be allowed on all the stock in hand; and the
holders should be permitted to export when they please, and not forced to glut
foreign markets with existing stocks, and throw the trade out of work until
they are cleared off.
THE FUNDS, Saturday, One o"Clock
ENGLISH.
3 per Cent. Consols - - 78⅛
Ditto for Account - - - 78⅛
3 per Cent. Reduced - - 78¾
3½ per Cents. 1818 - - —
New 3½ per Cents. - 86⅞
4 per Cents. 1826 - - - —
Long Annuities - - - 16 13-16
New Annuities, 30 Years - 16⅝
FOREIGN.
French 5 per Cents. - -
Ditto 3 per Cents. - - -
Russian 5 per Cent. Bonds 92¼
Austrian 5 per Cent. ditto
Prussian 5 per Cent. new
Brazil - - - - - - 57½
Greek - - - - - - 23 25
Spanish - - - - - - 17½¼
NOTICES.
The sentiment of the Journal treated of by 'Pubicola' is unworthy of his
contempt.
Surely nothing that was inserted in the Examiner could have had (even at
the time) the mischievous influence apprehended by 'An Old Subscriber.'
We believe that Bolivar did not deserve the character.
We extremely regret that we cannot make room for the letter of Mr. Ensor
in this Number.
Our correspondent mistakes in supposing that any slight was intended to Col.
Jones, whose labours, under the signature of "Radical," in the Times, for the
exposure of jobbing and abuses, entitle him to respect and gratitude. Any thing
cavalier in our tone was addressed to the Vice-Suppressing Society.
THE EXAMINER.-----
LONDON, FEBRUARY 27.
The late tumults in Paris have been viewed by all parties in France
in a far more serious light than the accounts at first received in this
country made them appear to merit. Moderate, time-serving
newspapers, and moderate, time-serving deputies, have now publicly
declared their conviction on the following points:—That it is now
obvious that the National Guard, and the middle classes, at least, of
Paris, are not satisfied with the present state of the government,
either in respect to men or measures;—That, until they obtain a
government with which they are satisfied, the feeling of security
will not revive;—That until there is security, the laboring
population will be without work, will be dissatisfied, a prey to agitators,
and ready for continual tumults: which tumults, so long as they do
not endanger human life or private property, the National Guard will
give themselves as little trouble as possible to suppress. All this has
been obvious to every man of common sense for the last six months;
and the popular journals have been dinning it into the ears of the
King and the Chamber since August last. But they would not listen
to Reason, when she came with a gentle whisper; and now they
must be fain both to hear and feel her, returning with a loud shout
or a thundering blow.
One point is now admitted by the unanimous voice of all parties—
the necessity of dissolving the Chamber. This measure, so odious
to the majority a few days since, is now pressed on by them with
indecent precipitation, to escape from the approaching debate on the
electoral law, and have the opportunity of presenting themselves
once again to the same narrow body of constituents, which elected
them before, and by which they believe that they will be re-elected.
The côté gauche are now the opponents of an immediate dissolution.
They were always so. From the beginning they demanded that the
Chamber should (to use their own phrase) make its last will and
testament before it expires; should determine, by an election-law, to
whom the estate which it leaves behind, its constitutional authority,
shall descend.
The commission, or select committee, on the electoral law, has
presented its report. This proposes to lower the electoral qualification
from 300 to 240 francs of direct taxes: an that of eligibility
from 1000 to 500. Trifling as is this diminution of the qualification
of an elector, it seems that it will increase the number of the voters to
210,000; and though nothing sort of a million of electors ought to
be accepted by the sincere Reformers, either in this country or in
France, even as a compromise, the chances of some improvement in
the composition of the Chamber even from so inadequate a
Parliamentary Reform, if adopted previous to the dissolution, are sufficient
to be worth a hard struggle.
The usual quantity of absurd misapprehension has displayed itself
in England on the subject of the troubles in Paris. The hatred of
the populace to the fleurs-de-lis is partly understood; but their antipathy
to the crosses, and to the priesthood, is, not unnaturally, somewhat
less intelligible to Englishmen who have never stirred from
their fire-side, not imbibed any ideas but those which it suited the
purpose of some person or other to carry thither. All persons who
have conversed with the working population of Paris must have been
forcibly struck with the intensity of their hatred to the Jesuits, and to
les mauvais prétres (as they phrase it) generally; a hatred which has
partly for its cause, and partly for its effect, a notion that those
against whom it is directed are capable of the worst of crimes; and
we have ourselves repeatedly heard persons of the lowest class,
subsequently to the revolution in July, expressing their fears that if Louis
Philippe persisted in going about without an escort, some Jesuit
would be found to assassinate him. But the very persons in whom
these feelings appeared to be strongest, always qualified the expression
The King seems, of all men in France, to be the least capable of
rightly interpreting the passing events. He has chosen a moment
like this for dismissing from their offices, Odilon-Barrot, the Prefect
of the Seine, and Baude, the Prefect of Police. The Times says
that Odilon-Barrot is dismissed for being too liberal, and Baude
for not being liberal enough; and regards the whole proceeding as a
specimen of mere trimming; but if this were the case, why was the
precise moment selected for removing Baude, at which he had just
delivered a speech reconciling him with the popular party? That
speech is the true cause of his dismissal. He is removed from the
same motive as Odilon-Barrot. He is removed because the King
wishes to show that he can be firm; as Charles the Tenth was
firm when he issued the ordinances. The rule with Kings is to drive
the people to extremity, and then to face their fury by way of showing
firmness, and avoiding the humiliation of a retreat. Weak men
never take it into their heads to be firm, until the time is come, when
it is absolutely necessary to be pliant. Their firmness consists in
braving real dangers, for fear of imaginary ones. The feeble King of
the French is terrified at giving votes to the million richest among
thirty-two millions, but rather than yield an inch to the other thirty-one
millions in arms, impavidum ferient ruinæ. Alas! a fool can
be as tenax propositi as Horace's hero.
One of those evil counsellors whom nature seems to have formed as
the appointed means to bring the mighty to their ruin, as apt guides to
hurry princes and potentates blindfold to the edge of the precipice,
and leave them to destruction, exhorts the Aristocracy of England,
in an intercalary Quarterly Review, to act as the old King of France
did, and as the new King of France intends to do—to be firm.
Those who would never yield to aught but fear, are tauntingly
exhorted not to yield to that. Obstinate cleaving to the taxes, unflinching
adherence to the interest of their pockets, constitutes Roman virtue
in the eyes of some people. But if the Aristocracy of England are
sufficiently unaware of their present situation to hearken to such
counsellors, they little know what is in store for them. If the English and
the new Frenchgovernment are destined severally to give another lesson
to the world on the incapacity of oligarchies, howsoever constituted,
to learn wisdom from experience, the trial must be submitted to: but
at least those who shall provoke it shall do so knowingly, and must
hold themselves prepared to suffer the natural consequences of their
own folly.
The Revolution in the North of Italy has hitherto proceeded in
the most prosperous manner. It has extended throughout the
Modenese territory, the legations of Bologna and Ferrara, Romagna,
Parma and Placentia, Ancona, the Duchy of Urbino, and the Principality
of Lucca, comprehending altogether a population of nearly
1,700,000 souls, who, it is stated, can put under arms about 120,000
patriots, between 20 and 30 years of age; and, in case of need, can
bring 250,000 citizens to march against the foreign enemy. The
cooperation of all the adjacent States is invited, and every post brings
news of new successes. The temporal power of the Pope is
renounced, and he has commenced a spiritual warfare of excommunications
against the Revolutionists. Little doubt is entertained of the
intervention of Austria. Military men who are acquainted with the
revolutionised States express confidence that they will redeem the
character of the Italians from the disgraces which it incurred by want
of energy displayed in the preceding insurrection against the Holy
Alliance.
No news on which there can be any dependence has been
received from Poland. The accounts of the submission of the Poles
on the approach of the Russian army have been taken from the
Prussian papers. It is stated that the Autocrat remains immovable, and
requires the unconditional submission of all Poland before he will
listen to any overtures for a mediation in their favour.
The insurrection which we mentioned in the second edition of the
Examiner of Saturday, as having taken place at Lisbon, has been
suppressed. The conspiracy, which extended to every regiment, was
betrayed; the arms of the conspirators were secured, and leaders
were seized, and 150 persons were handed over to a special
commission, which was directed by the King to execute its judgments
within twenty-four hours. The suppression of the insurrection was
followed by the most sanguinary excesses.
THE COMTEMPLATED TAX ON STEAM VESSELS.—On Monday a
deputation from the inhabitants of Gravesend, headed by Sir E. Knatchbull and
Mr. L. Hodges, the members for Kent, waited upon the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, in order to remonstrate against the imposition of any tax on
steam-boats. Two gentlemen also attended as representatives of the
Steam Boat Company of the town. The deputation stated that of 100,000l.
which the minister expected to raise by the new imposition, Gravesend was
to pay nearly one-fourth—230,000 persons having passed to and from that
town from Michaelmas 1829 to Michaelmas 1830. The Chancellor of the
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